“BREXIT-plus-plus-plus” was how Donald Trump—who additionally known as himself “Mr Brexit”—termed his pitch to voters throughout his profitable presidential marketing campaign. Positive sufficient, many People will quickly be waking up quickly to a sense much like the one Remainers in Britain skilled on the morning of June twenty fourth: bafflement on the failure of so many polls to foretell the outcome, shock on the voters’s defiance of skilled opinion, concern for liberal values. If Mr Trump relishes the comparisons it’s as a result of he identifies with the architects of Britain’s departure from the European Union: like him, privileged demagogues deft at manipulating the general public’s worst fears and instincts.
But these affinities confer few apparent benefits on Britain. Mr Trump might admire the nation’s current determination, however he’ll make an unpredictable, unfamiliar accomplice—particularly in contrast with Hillary Clinton, an instinctive Anglophile. It says one thing concerning the quick way forward for the “particular relationship” so revered in London that the British politicians most skilled in coping with America’s president-elect are Nigel Farage, a Brexiteering rabble-rouser (who stumped for him and is at the moment flying to Washington, DC to ingratiate himself additional with the incoming administration) and Alex Salmond, a former first minister of Scotland (whom Mr Trump branded “a has-been and completely irrelevant” in a tiff over a Scottish golf resort).
What concerning the nation’s leaders? Theresa Could may hardly be extra completely different in temperament from her new counterpart. The international secretary, Boris Johnson, although nearer to him in model, has mentioned: “The one cause I wouldn’t go to some elements of New York is the true threat of assembly Donald Trump.” In January British MPs debated banning Mr Trump from the nation, calling him a “buffoon”, a “demagogue” and a “joke” (one utilizing the phrase “fool” thrice in 5 minutes). To say the British institution is unenthusiastic about America’s president-elect can be to place it politely.
Nonetheless, the dangers of a Trump presidency—protectionism, geopolitical turmoil, American isolationism—weigh heavy on British pursuits. They usually achieve this all of the extra because of the choice in June that so animated Mr Trump: Brexit removes lots of the shock absorbers that may have helped Britain to trip out the following few years.
Take commerce. Mr Trump has lengthy pledged to pursue a troublesome line in negotiations and appears to fancy a tariff battle with China. Protectionism is infectious. If, as appears possible, Britain leaves the EU’s customs union on quitting the organisation, it might nicely discover itself making an attempt to barter new commerce phrases at a time when economies all over the world are pulling up the drawbridge.
In the meantime the British financial system was already in a fragile state earlier than final evening’s outcome, with the pound weakened, enterprise uncertainty mounting and a few proof of slowing funding. The financial shock of a Trump presidency might exacerbate these tendencies (although the pound briefly rose towards the greenback as Mr Trump’s victory turned clear). It’s going to additionally harden politics within the mainland European international locations with which Britain will shortly begin negotiating, the place populists emboldened by his win (most notably Marine Le Pen of France’s Nationwide Entrance) will scale back mainstream leaders’ freedom to approve a realistic cope with Britain.
Then there may be safety. A staple of the pro-Brexit marketing campaign was that the existence of NATO made European defence cooperation pointless and that quitting the EU would thus not knock Britain’s affect as a navy energy. That didn’t reckon with America’s subsequent president being as equivocal about NATO as is Mr Trump, who has pledged an “America first” doctrine requiring international locations below its safety umbrella to make their very own preparations. Britain may thus discover itself falling into the hole between a much less efficient, extra divided NATO on the one facet and fast strikes in the direction of EU defence integration on the opposite.
A single theme unifies these dangers. Brexit is a huge shock to Britain’s place on the planet. It’s going to sever outdated hyperlinks and require new ones to be solid. As a few of its keenest proponents concede, this transition will carry painful prices. Most of all it calls for a lot of good will and suppleness on all sides. In as far as Mr Trump’s win means a meaner, extra fractious, extra unstable world order, it raises these prices and shrinks that house for compromise and consensus important for a easy Brexit.
Limiting the injury of a Trump presidency on a Brexiting Britain calls for ambition and perspective from Mrs Could. Her strategy ought to be two-sided. First, construct a brand new, nearer alliance with Angela Merkel, not simply on Brexit however on wider points: the world financial system, safety, Russia and China. In Berlin and different European capitals officers complain that June’s referendum outcome has taken Britain’s thoughts off all different issues. The prime minister should not enable that to occur and as a substitute work with Mrs Merkel as a bloc able to countering Mr Trump’s worst traits.
Second, Mrs Could ought to use Britain’s affect in America (which is critical, if not as a lot as Britons prefer to think about) to aim to reasonable the brand new president, staying his hand when he does mistaken and indulging his self-importance when he does proper. Mrs Could already had her palms full with Brexit. Now, for Britain’s sake and that of the world, she should additionally cope with Mr Brexit himself.